Spain in Revolt.

Spain in Revolt

Since the fall of Franco Spain has been in a kind of ‘leftover’ state – the reintroduction of democracy saw a positive mood that continued for decades as a victory over fascism. The demands of the working-class, that were laid out during the civil war had returned with the fall of Franco.

Of course, it was the capitalist class that declared the ‘victory’, with the transition to democracy bringing about an economic boom, but still problems persisted in Spain.

The restructuring of Spain’s economy brought about a number of things, primarily the destruction of the manufacturing industries that Spain relied on. Instead, the economic model was based on:

1.       Tourism.

2.       Service Industries.

3.       Housing and Financial Sector.

With the economy becoming vulnerable in 2007, like the rest of the world, the crisis hit Spain’s finance and construction industries. The state then took on the national debts.

As a consequence of this, unemployment hit 25 percent; a figure which does not include part-time employment. Some regions, including Andalucía, that figure reached 35 percent.

Like Britain, the crisis has had a hard impact on youth; 52 percent of young people are unemployed.

For the first time last year there were more people leaving Spain than entering.

In 2012 around 50000 Spanish people lost their homes. The economic model of Spain is such that if house payments are even missed by one payment, the bank can force the house to go to auction and buy it back for a lower price. Even then the family evicted still has to pay the bank the original mortgage payments! And with a weak welfare state, people have become more dependent on charities and families.

At first the government denied the crisis was happening, then accepted the austerity policies from the EU. The austerity measures in Spain were amongst the biggest in Europe.

The Spanish government introduced labour reforms that roll back the gains won by workers in struggles – there were tax increases, dole cut, increased retirement age and the dismantling of the welfare state. These policies were introduced by the politics of fear – they were told that this was an  inevitability, there were no other alternatives, and there was a danger of being expelled from the Eurozone.

Before serious struggle and protests were mounted, a climate of repression took over. There were arrests of key trade union leaders made and violence was used by the police in demonstrations that took place. Agent provocateurs were used in order to whip up violence in order to justify the repressive methods used by police.

In spite of this the 14^th November sees the 3^rd general strike taking place in 2 years, as Spanish workers continue to struggle against austerity.

There are weaknesses for the working-class in Spain however. A lot of demonstrations have been locally based, and no national organisation has taken the struggles forward in a progressive way. Also, the union leaders tend to demobilize the workers, not mobilize, and they have been all too ready to accept the cuts from government.

The last strike, which took place in March, meant that it has taken 8 months to mobilize again. We denounce this strategy and believe that continuous action is needed to sustain a consistent and effective struggle.

Our comrades in Spain are part of Socialismo Revolucionario, and from the beginning of the crisis, have stated that these weaknesses exist. Our demands included the civil war demands to be reinstated, such as the justice in society and the separation of church and state.

The largest organisation that is considered left is the United Left. This party has characteristics that could make it to be a working-class party – it has a solid base and many socialist elements in its programme. But it also has a lot of reformist policies too. And at the same time it does not go far enough. They suggest nationalising only part of the banking sector, and supports a coalition government.

It is also made up of different left Tendencies. In Andalucia they formed a coalition with a party that implement cuts. They also allowed the right wing PP in other areas, and used their votes to stop the PP in other areas. They wanted a coalition with the SDP in Astorias but the rank and file members voted against it. Socialismo Revolucionario always supported United Left, but opposed austerity and puts forward alternatives.

The situation in Spain changes extremely quickly from day to day, but the same tendencies remain – fighting austerity, and with the PP government, this is difficult.

Like Britain, the struggle and strategies have come from below. In this respect the trade union leaders have had no choice but to support a struggle.

The 14^th November strike is very important. It is the 1^st general strike to include all sections of workers. However, the trade unions in the Basque Country have now pulled out, making it slightly more difficult. But the government have now shown signs of weaknesses, and this is reflected in the problems and divisions shown by government.

The ‘National’ Question.

In September a demonstration for independence opens up a question of nationality for Catalunya.

This question of independence is one that has arisen fairly quickly, and primarily as a result of the economic crisis. 3 years ago 20 percent of Catalan people wanted independence from Spain. Now, this figure is closer to 50 percent. The right wing Catalan government since the fall of Franco, the CIU, uses the question of independence as a smokescreen to the crisis even though they seem in favour of independence. Even now they are ambiguous, and implement austerity policies. The Catalan president made the elections solely on the basis of independence.

Socialists denounce the use of this nationalist question. We support the rights of self-determination, but we argue that social issues are more important to the workers of the whole of Spain. Successful independence for Catalunya can only be implemented with socialist policies.This is a historic opportunity for the left if socialists are prepared to intervene.

The far right have spread an anti-immigrant feeling amongst the populace. Only relatively recently was Spain opened up to immigration. Many people are blaming immigrants for their situation, and various areas around Barcelona have moved to the right. It is possible that a party may come in on xenophobic policies. There are, of course, differing layers of the right wing within the PP, so an outright fascist government may be complicated to achieve.

The most likely outcome is that the United Left will continue to grow. It needs to break with coalition alliances. If this happens then other left organisations could develop within its framework.

There is a growing sense of optimism within Spain’s working class, in challenging the government’s austerity measures. There is a strong feeling from children and pensioners for example, who have stood up to fight cuts. Indeed 75 percent of Spain’s population now support demos and strikes.

The post-Franco sense of optimism may have gone, but the workers of Spain are seeking to struggle like their Republican forebears in their demands.