Spain in Revolt
Since the fall of Franco Spain has been in a kind of
‘leftover’ state – the reintroduction of democracy saw a positive mood that
continued for decades as a victory over fascism. The demands of the
working-class, that were laid out during the civil war had returned with the
fall of Franco.
Of course, it was the capitalist class that declared the
‘victory’, with the transition to democracy bringing about an economic boom,
but still problems persisted in Spain.
The restructuring of Spain’s economy brought about a number
of things, primarily the destruction of the manufacturing industries that Spain
relied on. Instead, the economic model was based on:
1.
Tourism.
2.
Service Industries.
3.
Housing and Financial Sector.
With the economy becoming vulnerable in 2007, like the rest
of the world, the crisis hit Spain’s finance and construction industries. The
state then took on the national debts.
As a consequence of this, unemployment hit 25 percent; a
figure which does not include part-time employment. Some regions, including
Andalucía, that figure reached 35 percent.
Like Britain, the crisis has had a hard impact on youth; 52
percent of young people are unemployed.
For the first time last year there were more people leaving
Spain than entering.
In 2012 around 50000 Spanish people lost their homes. The
economic model of Spain is such that if house payments are even missed by one
payment, the bank can force the house to go to auction and buy it back for a
lower price. Even then the family evicted still has to pay the bank the
original mortgage payments! And with a weak welfare state, people have become
more dependent on charities and families.
At first the government denied the crisis was happening,
then accepted the austerity policies from the EU. The austerity measures in
Spain were amongst the biggest in Europe.
The Spanish government introduced labour reforms that roll
back the gains won by workers in struggles – there were tax increases, dole
cut, increased retirement age and the dismantling of the welfare state. These
policies were introduced by the politics of fear – they were told that this was
an inevitability, there were no other
alternatives, and there was a danger of being expelled from the Eurozone.
Before serious struggle and protests were mounted, a climate
of repression took over. There were arrests of key trade union leaders made and
violence was used by the police in demonstrations that took place. Agent
provocateurs were used in order to whip up violence in order to justify the
repressive methods used by police.
In spite of this the 14th November sees the 3rd
general strike taking place in 2 years, as Spanish workers continue to struggle
against austerity.
There are weaknesses for the working-class in Spain however.
A lot of demonstrations have been locally based, and no national organisation
has taken the struggles forward in a progressive way. Also, the union leaders
tend to demobilize the workers, not mobilize, and they have been all too ready
to accept the cuts from government.
The last strike, which took place in March, meant that it
has taken 8 months to mobilize again. We denounce this strategy and believe
that continuous action is needed to sustain a consistent and effective
struggle.
Our comrades in Spain are part of Socialismo Revolucionario, and from the beginning of the crisis, have stated
that these weaknesses exist. Our demands included the civil war demands to be
reinstated, such as the justice in society and the separation of church and
state.
The
largest organisation that is considered left is the United Left. This party has
characteristics that could make it to be a working-class party – it has a solid
base and many socialist elements in its programme. But it also has a lot of
reformist policies too. And at the same time it does not go far enough. They
suggest nationalising only part of the banking sector, and supports a coalition
government.
It
is also made up of different left Tendencies. In Andalucia they formed a
coalition with a party that implement cuts. They also allowed the right wing PP
in other areas, and used their votes to stop the PP in other areas. They wanted
a coalition with the SDP in Astorias but the rank and file members voted
against it. Socialismo Revolucionario always supported United Left, but opposed austerity
and puts forward alternatives.
The
situation in Spain changes extremely quickly from day to day, but the same
tendencies remain – fighting austerity, and with the PP government, this is
difficult.
Like
Britain, the struggle and strategies have come from below. In this respect the
trade union leaders have had no choice but to support a struggle.
The
14th November strike is very important. It is the 1st
general strike to include all sections of workers. However, the trade unions in
the Basque Country have now pulled out, making it slightly more difficult. But
the government have now shown signs of weaknesses, and this is reflected in the
problems and divisions shown by government.
The
‘National’ Question.
In
September a demonstration for independence opens up a question of nationality
for Catalunya.
This
question of independence is one that has arisen fairly quickly, and primarily
as a result of the economic crisis. 3 years ago 20 percent of Catalan people
wanted independence from Spain. Now, this figure is closer to 50 percent. The
right wing Catalan government since the fall of Franco, the CIU, uses the
question of independence as a smokescreen to the crisis even though they seem
in favour of independence. Even now they are ambiguous, and implement austerity
policies. The Catalan president made the elections solely on the basis of
independence.
Socialists
denounce the use of this nationalist question. We support the rights of
self-determination, but we argue that social issues are more important to the
workers of the whole of Spain. Successful independence for Catalunya can only
be implemented with socialist policies.This is a historic opportunity for the
left if socialists are prepared to intervene.
The
far right have spread an anti-immigrant feeling amongst the populace. Only
relatively recently was Spain opened up to immigration. Many people are blaming
immigrants for their situation, and various areas around Barcelona have moved
to the right. It is possible that a party may come in on xenophobic policies.
There are, of course, differing layers of the right wing within the PP, so an
outright fascist government may be complicated to achieve.
The
most likely outcome is that the United Left will continue to grow. It needs to
break with coalition alliances. If this happens then other left organisations
could develop within its framework.
There
is a growing sense of optimism within Spain’s working class, in challenging the
government’s austerity measures. There is a strong feeling from children and
pensioners for example, who have stood up to fight cuts. Indeed 75 percent of
Spain’s population now support demos and strikes.
The
post-Franco sense of optimism may have gone, but the workers of Spain are seeking
to struggle like their Republican forebears in their demands.
